Many of the opinion pieces yesterday and today have been on the anniversary of Hamas’s attack on the Israelis. For example, in his Washington Post column David Ignatius speculates:
Perhaps Israel’s sword of vengeance has broken the power of Iran and its boldest proxies, as Netanyahu and his supporters seem to hope. But this is the Middle East. A more likely outcome is that, at a cost of so many thousands of dead, this war has restored the old paradigm of a strong Israel that can crush its enemies — until the next round.
Perhaps the saddest legacy of this war will be that it could so easily happen again. We all know the adage about those who don’t learn from history. When we see the hardened faces of Israelis, Palestinians and Lebanese, we know that many of them are thinking about the next conflict, even as they fight this one. The displaced Gazans, the stunned Hezbollah fighters, aren’t likely to forget. And in the Middle East, memory is an addictive drug, and a poison.
while the editors of the Wall Street Journal declaim:
The reply of respectable liberalism has been to urge de-escalation, cease-fires and a two-state solution, and to blame Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu when they don’t materialize. It’s as if Hamas, Hezbollah and their patron in Iran don’t exist. Hamas has refused to engage with mediators for weeks, and a Palestinian state at peace with Israel has never been its objective or Iran’s. They want Israel destroyed and the Jews expelled or murdered.
As long as Iran pursues war, Israel must defend itself aggressively to survive. Mr. Biden has supported Israel, but he has also tried to cut short its defense. He withheld weapons from Israel even while Hamas ruled Rafah and its brigades controlled Gaza’s smuggling routes to Egypt.
Oct. 7 has come and gone. The one-year mark since Hamas’s butcheries brought more of what we’ve come to expect—rocket attacks on Tel Aviv, anti-Israel protests at Columbia. Not to mention the warnings about World War III if President Biden can’t persuade Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not to exercise the right the president says the Jewish state has to defend itself. It is the perfect capstone to Mr. Biden’s legacy: a foreign policy that projects American weakness.
and
The irony is that Mr. Biden was elected president on his own version of Make America Great Again. Drawing on his foreign-policy chops, he saw himself as restoring America’s global standing by repairing alliances that had been ruptured by Donald Trump and recultivating ties with foreign leaders—many of whom he knew personally from both his days as vice president and his long service on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. But his managerial approach assumes the status quo is always worth preserving.
Thus Mr. Biden was willing to supply military arms in conflicts that broke out provided doing so wouldn’t seriously threaten the status quo, which is why he gave Ukraine what it needed to fight but not what it needed to prevail. It’s worth recalling that before Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, Mr. Biden was assuring the world that a “minor incursion” by the Russians wouldn’t be a big deal. Unfortunately, when maintaining the status quo becomes paramount, all the initiative goes to the bad actors who are always more than willing to disrupt it.
Let’s ask a question. Is it in the U. S. interest for Israel to annex the West Bank and Gaza? I don’t think so but maybe our diplomatic experts think it is. I recognize it’s terribly indiscreet but maybe if that’s U. S. policy we should say so.
Here’s another question. Is it possible for the U. S. to encourage Israel’s attacking Iran without that transmogrifying into a direct conflict between the U. S. and Iran?
In what seems like a non sequitur I wonder if those urging the U. S. to give the Ukrainians missiles capable of reaching deep into Russia recognize that they are encouraging the U. S. to get involved directly in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine? That’s how those missiles work—U. S. technicians are required to configure them. That’s direct involvement.
A final question. Do those in favor of greater U. S. involvement in attacking Iran recognize that conflict, particularly in combination with direct U. S. involvement in the war between Ukraine and Russia, is likely to draw China as well?
To summarize my views:
- I think that Israel has a right to defend itself
- I do not believe that a “greater Israel” is a vital interest of the U. S.
- I think that radical Islamists like Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Iranian mullahocracy are our enemies
- I think we should tread lightly to avoid a regional war