Under the Dome

I materially agree with Jakub Grygiel’s Wall Street Journal op-ed but I think he’s missing something basic. His main points are that

  1. The “rule-based international order” is an illusion and always has been.
  2. Regional hegemons can and will break the rules.
  3. Regional conflicts rarely have decisive conclusions.

Here’s a lengthy passage:

Over the past three decades these regional orders—in Europe, the Middle East and Asia—have been relatively stable and the local competitions subdued. The resulting impression was of a world order. Liberals saw this global stability as the product of international rules, a growing number of democracies, and greater international trade—a “rules-based order” enhanced by democracies and commercial peace. Realists saw a world order underwritten by a rough equilibrium between the great powers—the U.S., Russia and China—with nuclear weapons as an effective pacifying equalizer.

Both visions of world order put too much emphasis on the global nature of this stability. If we look at the world through the lens of regional orders, the picture is more worrisome.

Russia’s wars in Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine since 2014, as well as Iran’s actions in Iraq, Yemen and Syria, and China’s military expansion in Asia, were signs of growing local volatility. But until now these had been tentative pushes, conducted by hesitant revisionist powers and checked by American power. Russia’s war in Ukraine is the first full-fledged military offensive that aims to change the local balance of power drastically. Russia seeks to be the decisive power in Europe, and for that it needs to dominate Ukraine.

Regional orders are fragile for two reasons. First, military force is more likely to be used in local contests than in disputes between distant rivals. The stakes are high for the local parties, the perceived risks limited. A revisionist power is likely to pursue its goals, such as conquest of territory or control over a neighboring state’s political life, through war more than through negotiations. And the revisionist power’s targets won’t accept a hostile takeover without a fight. In the end, both sides are interested less in preventing war than in making war usable for their own objectives. War is an enduring regional reality.

The U.S. tends to think of stability as a broad goal of its grand strategy. As President Biden has said, the goal is to “strive to prevent” World War III. But regional revisionists in Eurasia aren’t afraid of putting pressure on their own frontiers to extend their influence. The states they threaten will also choose war over submission, regional disorder over lost independence. The U.S. will have to figure out how to navigate, even embrace, instability and war in regions that are important to its national interests.

What he’s missing is that the “impression of a world order” he describes was created by U. S. global hegemony. As that hegemony has decreased, the perceived “rules-based order” has withered away along with it. We have helped that withering along by not conforming to the order we were purportedly trying to establish. Guess what? Other major powers chafe under the control of a global policeman particularly when the cop is on the take.

That hegemony was both military and economic and we have recklessly let both of them wither away.

Our European allies in particular have grown so used to living under that dome of U. S. hegemony they don’t recognize it for what it was. Are they coming to a rude awakening now or just pretending to? I guess time will tell. Germany is still importing a significant amount of gas from Russia every month.

IMO we have erred over the last 40 years, not just in failing to apply the rules to ourselves but in overestimating the value to us of what our European allies were willing to do and underestimating the role of the U. S. economy in keeping that dome active.

16 comments… add one
  • steve Link

    If I read this correctly (rushing between meetings) , Germany has zero or almost zero LNG terminals. Not sure they have a realistic alternative to Russian gas.

    Steve

  • That’s an artifact, a choice. They chose poorly.

  • steve Link

    Sure, but there is so much commentary suggesting that we should just turn on the gas spigot. It doesnt exist. There needs to be a lot of new infrastructure before it happens. Again, if that article is correct it takes years to build the terminals. You can obsess over past mistakes but the issue is what should we do now.

    Steve

  • One man’s “obsessing over past mistakes” is another’s pointing out that decisions have costs. Germany presently has a strategic vulnerability. What happens if Russia turns off the oil and gas supply?

    The first and most obvious step for Germany is to stop decommissioning their nuclear power plants. They could even put some of them back into service. They could use more coal and do more smokestack cleaning. Those steps might buy them a little time while they make alternative arrangements which, as you note, could take years. To use your favorite critique lately, don’t deny them agency.

  • Andy Link

    German deals with Russia related to gas were not just economic but political. They saw it as a way to integrate Russia more closely with the EU and promote western values. It was based on the same mistaken assumption that underpinned our trade policy with China starting in the 1990’s.

    So I don’t think we have much moral authority to criticize Germany. It’s easy for us to maximize our economic warfare on Russia because the costs to us are small. The situation would be much different with China and I think we would be doing what the Germans are now doing with Russia in terms of energy.

  • I’ve been making these same criticisms of Germany and our policy with respect to Germany since I worked there more than forty years ago. They’re not our friends. They’re barely our allies. German interests are not our interests. And I made most of my points about China more than forty years ago when my Fortune 500 employer offered me the job of heading up the technical end of the division they were opening in China. As I’ve recounted before, I stood up in the boardroom and explained the facts about China (about which they were unaware) to them.

    If the Germans are not going to take Russia’s side in fact, they’re going to need to shoulder some serious costs. So far that is not happening. Maybe it will happen. I’d be glad to see it and will say so. At this point it sure looks to me as though they’re trying to have their cake and eat it too.

  • Drew Link

    I’m always fascinated by people who cite the lengthy time it will take to reap the benefits of doing the right thing as the reason to not immediately start doing the right thing. Or choosing the wrong thing.

    If one really believed in CO2 driven global warming one would be a full throated advocate of nuclear power. If one really believed that electric cars were the answer then actions to secure battery materials – environmental mining concerns aside – should be made. And for charging stations. Not happening; EV’s are just a neat thing to say at cocktail parties.

    In point of fact, just a 1-2% increase in fossil fuels would reduce energy costs dramatically. And it can be done faster than any other action. But no…………….”it will take too long.”

    WRT natural gas, the EIA statistics show that US natural gas production increased by 1.75MM cu ft per year during the Trump years. In Biden’s first year, by only .8. This is the type of sophistry that allows the Administration to claim record production, but not tell the whole story about rate of increase, and investments for the future.

    The EIA states that the investments made in the 2017-2020 timeframe facilitated a 5x increase in LNG exports, some capacity available for 2022 (and perhaps some 2023) replacement of Russian gas. Plants built today would not come on line until 2025. Said another way, the posture of the Biden Administration set into motion a 2-3 year lag in equilibrium.

    Not only did the Germans make foolhardy decisions, but so has the Biden Administration.

  • bob sykes Link

    The “rules based order” was nonsense. There were no rules, only American diktats, which changed unpredictably according the America’s need of the moment.

    As to Russia’s current war, the negotiations seem to have made progress in that Ukraine is acceding to Russian demands: neutrality, demilitarization, denaszification, Donbas republics independence, and agreement to Russian annexation of Crimea.

    http://thesaker.is/sitrep-russia-ukraine-negotiations-further-details-revealed/

    The report is from a Russian site, so who knows. The recent Russian slow down is a response to success in negotiations.

  • bob sykes Link
  • bob sykes Link

    And it appears to be confirmed at least in part by the Russian Foreign Ministry:

    https://www.rt.com/russia/552901-ukraine-peace-talks-istanbul/

  • PD Shaw Link

    Europe in general and Germany in particular became reliant on Russian oil and gas from the early 70s. AFAIK at no time during the Cold War was energy treated as a security issue, as opposed to simply trade. When the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, the U.S. boycotted the Olympics and imposed a grain embargo, but gas/oil flowed to Western Europe unimpeded as it does now. So there is something very different about this New Cold War in that the act of trade is being given moral weight.

    Part of it is that Germany does not do geopolitics. When David Cameron sought to negotiate EU concessions from Merkel, he emphasized the geostrategic importance of having UK in the EU (UN membership, int’l relationships, and military/naval resources), which observers noted at the time would be unlikely to work because Germany either doesn’t do geopolitics or it compartmentalizes it as its own separate issue.

    Helen Thompson wrote a good article on the The Geopolitics of Fossil Fuels that I think hits a lot of the basic points and might be just as important for being published in Nature magazine. Basically, any energy transition cannot succeed merely on the basis of scientific research, economic modeling and international cooperation, the underlying geopolitical consequences will come to bear.

    https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-022-00713-3

  • I’m afraid the sanctions won’t be lifted, at least not by the United States, as long as the present Russian government is still in power which is at least for the foreseeable future. The present administration is now in a box of its own creation. Regardless of any settlement in Ukraine, it will take a new administration to lift sanctions absent a Russian revolution.

  • PD:

    German domination of the European continent has been a German objective since the 19th century—just about as long as there’s been a Germany. After two wars which went disastrously for it the German decided to try trade and that has been pretty successful. But the objective remains the same.

  • steve Link

    I hope we go ahead and starting cranking out more natural gas, but some people seem to think that this will immediately bring Russia to its knees. The oil companies also want to have to do this. I think we need to to decide if we want to subsidize this since I doubt Russia stops its production. So this is a long term strategy. Germany is already looking at extending its nuclear plants.

    Steve

  • Drew Link

    “AFAIK at no time during the Cold War was energy treated as a security issue, as opposed to simply trade.”

    No, but that’s the narrow view – Russia. Almost all of our Middle East issues flow from oil issues. I must have been beating this drum since 1990ish. Why are we reliant on foreign energy? It just doesn’t have to be so except for brain dead environmentalists. This should be a non-issue for us today. Its an absolutely fundamental strategic issue. And we have others in this category. But its not the subject of this thread.

    “I hope we go ahead and starting cranking out more natural gas, but some people seem to think that this will immediately bring Russia to its knees.”

    Nice revisionism, steve. We basically lost a year under Biden. We may lose another. Bringing Russia to its knees is just a diversionary and fallacious standard of argument. The goal is to take the most important economic strategic asset Putin has and minimize it as fast and as much as we can. This isn’t rocket science. Get a clue, steve.

  • steve Link

    “We basically lost a year under Biden.”

    Actually, I very carefully pointed out that Biden was at fault for not ordering the oil companies to produce more oil last year. That’s the only way it would have happened. No one knew Russia was going to invade Ukraine. Oil companies had seen rapid changes in demand and prices. They have their own interests. Why exactly would they have built more LNG terminals when Germany and the rest of Europe was committed to Russia gas?

    Steve

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