As a sort of follow-up to my post, “These Are Our Political Leaders”, writing at the Tribune Kristen McQueary provides this characterization of our mayor and his administration:
Emanuel’s aides routinely resist the release of public records, from red light camera data to city financial records to Emanuel’s own schedules and calendar. His press staff keeps tabs on the city’s reporters, often hovering over their shoulders at City Hall to eavesdrop on interviews. Emanuel himself bristles at being challenged or interrupted. He abruptly leaves press conferences when the questions get too tough.
He ignored criticism in his first term that he was neglecting struggling neighborhoods. He continued to devote resources and attention to tourist destinations — Navy Pier, a new basketball arena for DePaul University, riverwalk renovations — instead of focusing laser-like on crime-infested low-income neighborhoods.
In 2014, he proposed building a new selective enrollment high school named after President Barack Obama to be located on the North Side, months after he closed nearly 50 schools, mostly in black neighborhoods on the South and West sides. He suggested using controversial tax increment finance money to pay for it at a time of heightened skepticism over TIFs in general. He could not have appeared more out of touch.
And Emanuel consistently rejected the notion that his Police Department operated in a code of silence. In 2012, he defended a legal settlement between the city and a bartender who got beat up by an off-duty police officer, all caught on video. The city wanted to vacate one of the jury’s findings that a code of silence existed within the Police Department. The city’s lawyers fought to have that conclusion omitted.
Even in recent days he defended the city’s Law Department (until he didn’t), despite a federal judge citing examples of city attorneys withholding evidence in two police misconduct investigations.
Again, nothing new, but relevant to the underlying fervor to oust him in the wake of Laquan McDonald’s death. This is, and always has been, a City Hall of walls and control. And so when a video of a brutal police shooting emerged, it was not out of character for the city to close ranks. We still don’t know the story behind the missing Burger King surveillance video or why other officers on the scene haven’t been disciplined for filing false reports.
This is to add insult to injury. As my old business partner used to say, “I agree with what you say but I will oppose to the death your right to say it”. Emanuel’s re-election was endorsed by both the Tribune and the Sun-Times. If he was so bad, why did they endorse him? If the endorsements were just the editors’ opinions, why was there no revolt among the newspapers’ reporters and non-editorial staff.
I think it was fear. I don’t think they agreed with him or supported him so much as feared him and those who stood behind him. And these are our political leaders.
Or perhaps the people at the papers actually support Rahmbo ‘s efforts to make Chicago a nice place for white upper middle class whites (and aspirants) and don’t give a shot about what happens to poor blacks. After all, poor blacks will vote 90% for Dems no matter what, and if the black population became more middle class, they’d also likely become more ‘white’, and that hurts DIVERSITY, so blacks should definitely remain the urban other.
“a legal settlement between the city and a bartender who got beat up by an off-duty police officer.”
That seems odd. Does the city pay settlements when its firemen screw up on a construction job?