Better Them Than Me

My immediate reaction on reading the opening passage of this op-ed at the Wall Street Journal by Andrew Gutmann and Paul Rossi:

Over the past month we have watched nearly 100 hours of leaked videos from 108 workshops held virtually last year for the National Association of Independent Schools’ People of Color Conference. The NAIS sets standards for more than 1,600 independent schools in the U.S., driving their missions and influencing many school policies.

was better them than me. I have been through a vast number of company-required and companywide sensitivity training sessions over the years. Any allure they might have had evaporated 30 years ago. Here’s their assessment of the sessions they witnessed:

The path to remake schools begins with the word “diversity,” which means much more than simply increasing the number of students and faculty of color—referred to in these workshops as “Bipoc,” which stands for “black, indigenous and people of color.” DEI experts urge schools to classify people by identities such as race, convince them that they are being harmed by their environment, and turn them into fervent advocates for institutional change.

In workshops such as “Integrating Healing-Centered Engagements Into a DEIA School Program” and “Racial Trauma and the Path Toward Healing,” we learned how DEI practitioners use segregated affinity groups and practices such as healing circles to inculcate feelings of trauma. Even students without grievances are trained to see themselves as victims of the their ancestors’ suffering through “intergenerational violence.”

The next step in a school’s transformation is “inclusion.” Schools must integrate DEI work into every aspect of the school and every facet of the curriculum must be evaluated through an antibias, antiracist, or antioppressive lens. In “Let’s Talk About It! Anti-Oppressive Unit and Lesson Plan Design,” we learned that the omission of this lens—“failing to explore the intersection of STEM and social justice,” for instance—constitutes an act of “curriculum violence.”

All school messaging must be scrubbed of noninclusive language, all school policies of noninclusive practices, all libraries of noninclusive books. Inclusion also requires that all non-Bipoc stakeholders become allies in the fight against the systemic harm being perpetuated by the institution. In “Small Activists, Big Impact—Cultivating Anti-Racists and Activists in Kindergarten,” we were told that “kindergartners are natural social-justice warriors.”

It isn’t enough for a school to be inclusive; it also must foster “belonging.” Belonging means that a school must be a “safe space”—code for prohibiting any speech or activity, regardless of intent, that a Bipoc student or faculty member might perceive as harmful, as uncomfortable or as questioning their “lived experience.” The primary tool for suppressing speech is to create a fear of microaggressions.

In “Feeding Yourself When You Are Fed Up: Connecting Resilience and DEI Work,” we learned techniques, such as “calling out,” that faculty and students can use to shut down conversations immediately by interrupting speakers and letting them know that their words and actions are unacceptable and won’t be tolerated. Several workshops focused on the practice of “restorative justice,” used to re-educate students who fall afoul of speech codes. The final step to ensure belonging is to push out families or faculty who question DEI work. “Sometimes you gotta say, maybe this is not the right school for you. . . . I’ve said that a lot this year,” said Victor Shin, an assistant head of school and co-chairman of the People of Color Conference, in “From Pawns to Controlling the Board: Seeing BIPOC Students as Power Players in Student Programming.”

With the implementation of diversity, inclusion and belonging, schools can begin to address the primary objectives of DEI work: equity and justice. NAIS obligates all member schools to commit to these aims in their mission statements or defining documents. Equity requires dismantling all systems that Bipoc members of the community believe to cause harm. Justice is the final stage of social transformation to “collective liberation.” The goal is to remake society into a collective, stripped of individualism and rife with reparations.

In sessions such as “Traversing the Long and Thorny Road Toward Equity in Our Schools,” “Moving the Needle Toward Meaningful Institutional Change,” “Building an Equitable and Liberating Mindset” and “Breaking the White Centered Cycle,” we learned that the only way to achieve equity and justice is to eradicate all aspects of white-supremacy culture from “predominantly white institutions,” or PWIs, as NAIS calls its member schools, irrespective of the diversity of a school’s students. Perfectionism, punctuality, urgency, niceness, worship of the written word, progress, objectivity, rigor, individualism, capitalism and liberalism are some of the characteristics of white-supremacy culture in need of elimination. In “Post-PoCC Return to PWI Normal,” DEI practitioner Maria Graciela Alcid summarized: “Decolonizing white-supremacy-culture thinking is the ongoing act of deconstructing, dismantling, disrupting those colonial ideologies and the superiority of Western thought.”

DEI was “another thing to put on the plate, and absolutely now, it is the plate on which everything sits” said teacher Gina Favre, describing her school’s transformation.

No longer are private schools focused primarily on teaching critical thinking, fostering intellectual curiosity, and rewarding independent thought. Their new mission is to train a vanguard of activists to lead the charge in tearing down the foundations of society, reminiscent of Maoist China’s Red Guards.

I emphatically do not object to students learning the history of the United States, warts and all. I was astonished that more people weren’t aware of the Tulsa race riots the centenary of which was last year. I had learned about them in school. Why didn’t they?

And my parents taught me the importance of not using the “N word” and treating all people with kindness and consideration as well as the benefits I’ve gained through the accidents of my birth including race and my family 70 years ago. Why didn’t theirs?

I am skeptical that DEI training, as described above, will benefit anyone beyond those being paid to conduct them. Is being openly patronizing really an improvement over hidden prejudice?

11 comments… add one
  • bob sykes Link

    I was in college during MLK’s campaign. The modern so-called civil rights movement is incomprehensible to me. To teach young people to hate is guaranteed to create a race war.

    Do we want to live in the Balkans? In the Balkans people who are literally the same race, speaking mere dialects of the same language, and with the same history have created imaginary boundaries and imaginary “peoples,” and they use these constructs to justify killing each other.

    The older civil rights organizations like CORE, the Urban League, and the NAACP hated MLK. The US media chose him to represent the civil rights movement, because he was eminently presentable, and spoke of reconciliation. He used American’s own beliefs and ideals to push forward equal rights for all. No doubt CORE/Urban League/NAACP killed him.

    So now they are killing his ideals, which used to be America’s ideals. It seems the American experiment has run its course, and its time to close the book. Hopefully, the Russians and Chinese will get it right.

  • Drew Link

    “I am skeptical that DEI training, as described above, will benefit anyone beyond those being paid to conduct them.”

    Which, along with other economic benefits and catering to personality disorders, is of course the real goal. The more interesting question is why anyone with any critical thinking skills would listen to these otherwise mostly unemployable charlatans, especially when they have such capacity to do harm to the young.

  • Zachriel Link

    bob sykes: To teach young people to hate is guaranteed to create a race war.

    “As a matter of fact, we have never had a problem here in the South except in a very few isolated instances and these have been the result of outside agitators . . . outside agitators have created any major friction occurring between the races” — George Wallace, 1964

    bob sykes: In the Balkans people who are literally the same race, speaking mere dialects of the same language, and with the same history have created imaginary boundaries and imaginary “peoples,” and they use these constructs to justify killing each other.

    Same language? Greek, Albanian, Romanian, Macedonian, and Turkish are not close to being the same languages. While all but the Turkish are Indo-European in origin, they are much more disparate than Italian, German, and English.

    Imaginary peoples? Greeks are an imaginary people? Albanians? Slavs? Romanians? Turks?

    As for shared history, the history of the Balkans includes a long period of religious and ethnic conflict. Gee whiz. People in the U.S. still fly the Confederate battle flag.

    “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”

  • steve Link

    The NAIS represents about 1% of total elementary and secondary schools in the US. Since the schools tend to be small probably less than 1% of students. Do I believe that (at least) 1% of the people in the US are nuts? Yup. Do I think it deserves editorial space in the WSJ? Given their right wing bent I guess it does but most of us shouldn’t care. This seems like it kind of pales compared with the laws being passed in many states that would affect all schools, not the 1%, saying they can’t teach anything that would make people uncomfortable.

    Query- How many editorial pieces in the WSJ about the laws I mentioned that affect many more schools? Maybe they support them, seems a reasonable assumption, so they won’t cover them?

    Steve

  • In 1917 Bolsheviks constituted fewer than 1% of Russians. Obviously, they were unimportant.

  • Zachriel Link

    Dave Schuler: In 1917 Bolsheviks constituted fewer than 1% of Russians.

    In the 1917 election, the Bolsheviks garnered 23% of the vote, with majority support in the army and cities, but low support in rural, peasant regions. Socialist parties constituted the vast majority of votes.

  • Two different questions. steve asked how many schools were NAIS. I responded that there weren’t many Bolsheviks in 1917, either, a matter of historical record. You responded with how many SUPPORTED the Bolsheviks. To compare apples and oranges we’d need to know how many people support the NAIS agenda.

  • steve Link

    In 1917 it was easy to find people who supported the Bolsheviks or others with similar beliefs. As noted above actually voting for them was good evidence.

    I know of no evidence that the following is widely supported but glad to see your evidence that it does. I don’t think it exists and this was just an article to throw to the red meat crowd. I could be wrong so await said evidence.

    “Perfectionism, punctuality, urgency, niceness, worship of the written word, progress, objectivity, rigor, individualism, capitalism and liberalism are some of the characteristics of white-supremacy culture in need of elimination.”

    Steve

  • PD Shaw Link

    The teaching of the Tulsa Race Riots became an issue because of legislation in Oklahoma. I’m looking at a college level American history book, two volumes, one thousand pages of text each, and I don’t see the Tulsa events mentioned. I do see a lot of other descriptions of contemporaneous racial violence, such as the East St. Louis Riots of 1917, Red Summer of 1919 and particularly the Chicago Race Riot of that year. The problem with history books for the last several decades is not that they don’t cover a given item, it’s that they are more likely to cover so many items that nobody will remember any particular one.

  • Maybe it’s because my grade school and high school education was in St. Louis.

  • PD Shaw Link

    I think there are a couple of reasons it may not appear as prominently in history books. One is that post-reconstruction historians describe the 1890 to 1920 period as the nadir of race relations in America. The 1920 endpoint works well with how history books are structured and the historian attributed with that framing was really highlighting Woodrow Wilson’s contributions here and he was out of office by Tulsa.

    The other framing is the Great Migration and books take more pains to emphasize racism in the North at this time, so as not to suggest its simply a Southern problem. Tulsa is more Southern than not.

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