Those Were the Days

The ideas presented in Ben Domenech’s review at Modern Age of Yuval Levin’s book, The Fractured Republic: Renewing America’s Social Contract in the Age of Individualism, are so intriguing that I may haul off and read the book.

The gist is that the primary impulse that unites progressives and conservatives in the United States is nostalgia. For conservatives it is a sort of reactionary, irredentist longing for a 19th century that never existed; for progressives for the 1950s—when manufacturing formed the largest part of the U. S. economy and trade unions were strong, viz.:

Whether rooted in a need for a system of governance that still runs on earmarks and smoke-filled rooms or a desire for a shared culture where everyone says “Merry Christmas,” Levin identifies a crippling sentimentality that is hardly monopartisan. His opening chapter cites the same from Paul Krugman’s The Conscience of a Liberal (2007), which opens with “a characteristic example of the sort of homesickness, or longing for a time that got it right.” The economist is referring to his childhood in the 1950s, “a paradise lost.” It is the cultural dominance of this vision—not as a period that breaks with the rest of the nation’s history, but an apotheosis of our greatness—that has skewed politics to the point that many citizens long for a time when schools were segregated, taxes were high, and you had to save for a year to buy a refrigerator.

He continues:

In Levin’s telling, America began to grapple with the fact that you can’t go home again—that the global economy was here to stay, for good or for ill—beginning in the 1970s, only to cast the challenge aside. He writes: “The lesson many Americans implicitly learned in the 1970s was that the emergence of a new national ethic of liberation and fracture could not be reversed, and so had to be channeled to the good.” But after twenty years of wrestling with these challenges under first Republican and then Democratic administrations, decades in which every household of every race experienced significant income gains, the nation turned toward the softer appeal of nostalgia.

Levin’s explanation is that Americans have suffered a disconnect from the traditional core institutions that make life in America better—family, faith, work, and neighborhood. At the same time, the failure of our policies to mitigate or moderate the dramatic changes in our economy and culture have left Americans feeling abandoned by their government. Levin identifies many examples of this, particularly when it comes to the experience of workers who no longer benefit from the security of employment in the postwar economy. Our entire system of welfare, health care, and entitlements is built for a bygone era that was the exception to the American economic experience.

This loss of faith in mediating entities—churches, schools, unions, fraternal organizations—whether founded in the community or buttressed by government, to meet the needs of the people has generally accelerated levels of distrust for large bureaucratic institutions as well. Today the American people view many of them as irresponsible or corrupt, stagnant dinosaurs incapable of responding to the speed of an advancing and evolving society. Coupled with a decline in shared values and cultural experiences—moving from an era when two-thirds of television sets were tuned to I Love Lucy to one where highly developed subcultures thrive without any overlap—we see the disintegration of our common vision. We no longer share what it means to be American, instead viewing the pursuit of happiness as a purely individual act of self-actualization.

There are differing views, as one would expect under the circumstances, on how we can continue without tearing ourselves apart. My preference would be for devolution of power, subsidiarity, a more networked society that is tolerant of differences. Others, much more influential than I, look forward to increasing centralization of power, presumably to be followed by forcing their views on the reluctant.

That has been tried in many countries and at many times. It has invariably resulted in violent repression and catastrophic failure. Maybe it will be different this time.

5 comments… add one
  • Gray Shambler Link

    I’ve been talking to Mexican illegal restaurant owners, customers of mine, I think we agree that pursuit of happiness for most of us is the pursuit of money. They also agree that we must for the most part , obey the law or we’ll be just like Mexico, with apparently insolube corruption. This , they blame on the drug trade, which I think is only partly true.
    Now I’ll say something that may touch nerves.
    I’ve wondered many times whether Catholic peoples are less honest, even more criminal, because the God in which they believe is not a personal one, as He is with Protestants. Catholics you see have a Priesthood standing between them and God, offering absolution for their sins.
    What I’m saying is that Mafia killers, or Mexican cartel killers are not Atheists at all, but do what they have to and plan to confess and repent later, if they get the chance.
    ?????????????????

  • ... Link

    “Presumably to be followed by…”? I thought we were already there. God help you if you don’t want to contract with some one from the preferred classes or gays & trannies & jihadid, because the government will fucking ruin you, with help from their complacent lickspittle media cronies.

  • Gray Shambler Link

    I agree with you, my only pertinent point is that Mexicans are people too, and in my opinion very nice people, get to know some.
    As for your comments about the elites, I also agree with you.
    VOTE TRUMP, warts and all, because he offers to drain the swamp, in Wahington, D C.
    I don’t care if you live a hundred years, you will never again have a candidate who is so fearless. Fearless enough to take on the Clinton Machine, for a fact useing pay for play and pay for access to all comers with money.
    Now, you want me to really piss you off?
    Where is Hillary from?
    Where did Obama arise?
    Where is Rham from?
    Where is Saul Alinsky from?
    What we are dealing with, is an Alinskyite cabal, from Chicago, Breaking all the rules, especially moral ones, for power.

    God help us

  • sam Link

    There are certain writers, mostly on the Catholic right in my reading (writing in First Things and The Mirror of Justice), that trace our present predicament to the very founding of the Republic itself, to the ideas expressed in the opening lines of the Declaration. We made a wrong turn there and ever since have been proceeding down the path of our destruction. By placing the individual at the center of our politics, we set the stage for our sundering. And the success of the capitalist enterprise in empowering individuals has only accelerated the fission. This reflects a different kind of nostalgia.

  • steve Link

    ” from Chicago”

    I was going with Kenya. This answer totally surprised me.

    Steve

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